Proposal to Increase Police Numbers to Reduce UAEs Juvenile Crime Rate

Abstract The cases of juvenile crimes have arisen so much in the UAE that it is now considered as a public crisis. Some of the causes for the rise in juvenile crime rates in the region include: parental neglect and drug abuse among other factors.Advertising We will write a custom proposal sample on Proposal to Increase Police Numbers to Reduce UAE’s Juvenile Crime Rate specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More The most effective way to deal with the problem is to increase the numbers of the police officers especially in the parts where the problem is most rampant. The proposed strategy is actually less expensive taking into account the damages caused by juvenile criminal activities. Introduction There has been a sharp rise in juvenile delinquency in the UAE in the last two decades. For instance, the juvenile crime rate rose by 33% in 2009 alone; the increase should be a great concern since most of the youths carry the crimes into ad ulthood. It is now evident that more young people than adults in the UAE are increasingly becoming violent and difficult to control (Abiad and Mansoor 303). Unfortunately, the juvenile justice system has been slow at responding, and the measures that it has put in place to deal with the problem are neither sufficient nor effective in dealing with the crisis (Abiad and Mansoor 304). Burfeind and Bartusch argue that more teenagers than adults commit serious violent offences (65). For that reason, the criminal justice system in the AUAE needs to divert its attention to the juveniles more than it does with the adults. The best way to deal with the juvenile delinquency problem is hiring more police officers, who should be allowed to arrest and arraign the young people who commit violent crimes in adult courts (Siegel and Wesh 307). This paper proposes employment of more police officers to help deal with the problem of the rise in juvenile crimes in the UAE. Methodology Based on scholarly evidence, this paper proposes increasing police number in the UAE to assist in reducing the juvenile crime rate in the region. The effectiveness of the policing strategy in reducing juvenile crime rate is a topic that has been discussed by many scholars; it is available in several literatures, including peer-reviewed studies.Advertising Looking for proposal on public administration? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Consequently, this proposal will rely on literature review to obtain the relevant information about the topic. Several literatures will be evaluated to ensure that the data obtained is reliable and valid. The fact that there are several scholars who have addressed the problem shows that there is sufficient information about the problem. The information obtained in the literature review will be used to outline the causes of the rise in juvenile crime rates, the most effective strategy that can help the government to deal with the problem, the importance of using the proposed strategy, and the consequences of not implementing it. Discussion Causes of Rise in Juvenile Crime Rate in the UAE There are several factors that have led to the increased juvenile crime rates in the UAE. Firstly, most of the juveniles commit criminal activities as a result of lower intelligence, which is worsened by lack of a proper education (Abiad and Mansoor 304). The young people who are both unintelligent and uneducated get involved in anti-social activities as a result of uncontrolled aggressive and impulsive behavior. These kinds of young people are also unable to delay gratification, which motivates them to get involved in illegal activities just to get what they want in life (Siegel 240). Secondly, many young people in the UAE have turned to abusing drugs, which makes them vulnerable to committing criminal offences even without their knowledge. Most juvenile offenders in the UAE use very powerful drugs such as coc aine and bhang. Researchers reveal that the use of illegal drugs is the most serious cause of the rise in juvenile delinquency in the UAE; for instance, Siegel and Wesh argue that a big number of juveniles who use alcohol often fall victim to juvenile crime (308). Thirdly, most families have neglected their children and they don’t care about their children’s behavior or the groups they associate with. The lack of good parental care, child abuse and constant parental conflicts are also other factors that push the juveniles to engage in criminal activities. Some of the juveniles also engage in criminal offences as a result of their parent’s lack of social norms and defiance of the main laws (Siegel 241).Advertising We will write a custom proposal sample on Proposal to Increase Police Numbers to Reduce UAE’s Juvenile Crime Rate specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Lastly, the UAE police service has for a long time overlooked the juvenile crimes; sometimes they regard the crimes as negligible. The police service has constantly directed most of its efforts to dealing with adult crimes (Siegel 241). The young people have taken advantage of the police’s assumption to commit criminal offences as much as they please (Siegel and Wesh 307). How to Deal with the Rise in Juvenile Crime Rate in the UAE Although there could be other strategies of dealing with the rise in juvenile crime rate in the UAE, the most effective one would be to hire more police officers. The extra police officers could be used to create a special branch in the police service whose mandate will be purely be to deal with the case of juvenile offenders (Siegel 243). The implementation of the proposed strategy will cost the UAE government a significant amount of money. The implementation involves hiring more police officers, training the hired recruits, and providing them with the necessary equipment to enable them carr y out their duty. The implementation expenses will also require the government to avail other funds, which will be used to pay the officers’ salaries and to build residential houses for them. The implementation process is likely to cost the government of the UAE a total sum of $8 million. The total amount will include: $1 million that will be used to pay the officers who will be carrying out the recruitment, $1.5 million for training the recruited individuals, $3.5 million that will be used to pay the salaries of the newly employed police officers, and $2 million that will be used to build residential houses for the new officers. Summary of the Budget Description Estimated Amount in 000,000$ Wages of Hiring Officers 1 Training the Recruits 1.5 Salaries for New Officers 3.5 Building new houses 2 Total 8 Importance of Implementing the Proposed Strategy The benefits that will come with the implementation of the proposed strategy surpass the costs that will be inc urred during the implementation process. The destruction that the juveniles cause in the region through their involvement in criminal activities is just too much and cannot be compared to the implementation cost (Burfeind and Bartusch 66).Advertising Looking for proposal on public administration? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More The setting of the special branch will certainly improve the police’s functions in relation to juvenile cases. The proposed strategy will enhance the way police officers are expected to do patrols, investigations and other special operations (Elrod and Ryder 155). Police patrol is one of the main strategies that law enforcement uses to control crime in the UAE. When more police officers are employed and the extra number assigned to look into the juvenile issues, they will help in making the patrol more effective. Since most juveniles are neither stubborn nor repeat offenders, putting more police officers on patrol is likely to deter them from engaging in criminal offences such break and enter. In addition, the more the police numbers on patrol, the more arrests that will be made; consequently, more juvenile offenders will be arraigned in the UAE courts (Siegel 240). The employment of extra police officers is also expected to see more intense investigation and rehabilitation o f the young offenders. The increase in juvenile crime rates to an extent has been caused by slow investigation due to the lack of enough detectives. When police numbers are increased in the region, there will enough detectives to speed up the investigations involving juvenile cases (Elrod and Ryder 155). The extra police officers could also offer other special programs such as rehabilitation to less serious juvenile crimes. Such special programs are known to reduce juvenile crime rates, especially those that are caused by the lack of good parental care (Elrod and Ryder 156). Conclusion The ever rising cases of juvenile crimes in the UAE region are now a great concern for the UAE government. The rise in juvenile crime rates in the region has been caused by among other factors, parental neglect, family conflicts and child abuse, drug abuse and lack of a good education. However, the problem can be effectively dealt with by increasing the number of police officers. The implementation of the proposed strategy is actually less expensive when compared to the damages caused by the juvenile’s involvement in criminal activities. The proposed program will cost the government close to $8 million. Works Cited Abiad, Nisrine, and Farkhanda Zia Mansoor. Criminal Law and the Rights of the Child in Muslim States: A Comparative and Analytical Perspective. London: British Institute of International and Comparative Law, 2010. Print. Burfeind, James W., and Dawn Jeglum Bartusch. Juvenile Delinquency: An Integrated Approach. Sudbury, MA: Jones and Bartlett Publishers, 2011. Print. Elrod, Preston, and Scott Ryder. Juvenile Justice: A Social, Historical, and Legal Perspective. Sudbury, MA: Jones and Bartlett Publishers, 2011. Print. Siegel, Larry. Introduction to Criminal Justice. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 2010. Print. Siegel, Larry, and Brandon Wesh. Juvenile Delinquency: The Core. Belmont, CA: Cengage Learning, 2011. Print. This proposal on Proposal to Increase Police Numbers to Reduce UAE’s Juvenile Crime Rate was written and submitted by user Johnathan Knight to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Biography of Jose Maria Morelos, Mexican Revolutionary

Biography of Jose Maria Morelos, Mexican Revolutionary Josà © Marà ­a Morelos (September 30, 1765–December 22, 1815) was a Mexican priest and revolutionary. He was in overall military command of Mexico’s Independence movement in 1811-1815 before the Spanish captured, tried, and executed him. He is considered one of the greatest heroes of Mexico and countless things are named after him, including the Mexican state of Morelos and the city of Morelia. Fast Facts: Jose Maria Morelos Known For: Priest and rebel leader in the war for Mexican independenceAlso Known As: Josà © Marà ­a Teclo Morelos Pà ©rez y Pavà ³nBorn: September 30, 1765 in Valladolid,  Michoacn,  New SpainParents: Josà © Manuel Morelos y Robles, Juana Marà ­a Guadalupe Pà ©rez Pavà ³nDied: December 22, 1815  in San Cristà ³bal Ecatepec,  State of Mà ©xicoEducation: Colegio de San Nicols Obispo in Valladolid, Seminario Tridentino in Valladolid, Universidad Michoacana de San Nicols de HidalgoAwards and Honors:  The Mexican state of  Morelos  and city of  Morelia  are named after him, and his picture is on the 50-peso noteSpouse: Brà ­gida Almonte (mistress; Morelos was a priest and could not marry)Children: Juan Nepomuceno AlmonteNotable Quote: May slavery be banished forever together with the distinction between castes, all remaining equal, so Americans may only be distinguished by vice or virtue. Early Life Josà © Marà ­a was born into a lower-class family (his father was a carpenter) in the city of Valladolid in 1765. He worked as a farm hand, muleteer, and menial laborer until entering the seminary. The director of his school was none other than Miguel Hidalgo (leader of the Mexican revolution) who must have left an impression on the young Morelos. He was ordained as a priest in 1797 and served in the towns of Churumuco and Carcuaro. His career as a priest was solid and he enjoyed the favor of his superiors. Unlike Hidalgo, he showed no propensity for dangerous thoughts before the revolution of 1810. Morelos and Hidalgo On September 16, 1810, Hidalgo issued the famous Cry of Dolores to kick off Mexicos struggle for independence. Hidalgo was soon joined by others, including former royal officer Ignacio Allende, and together they raised an army of liberation. Morelos made his way to the rebel army and met with Hidalgo, who made him a lieutenant and ordered him to raise an army in the south and march on Acapulco. They went their separate ways after the meeting. Hidalgo would get close to Mexico City but was eventually defeated at the Battle of Calderon Bridge, captured shortly thereafter, and executed for treason. Morelos, however, was just getting started. Morelos Takes up Arms Ever the proper priest, Morelos coolly informed his superiors that he was joining the rebellion so that they could appoint a replacement. He began rounding up men and marching west. Unlike Hidalgo, Morelos preferred a small, well-armed, well-disciplined army that could move fast and strike without warning. He would often reject recruits who worked the fields, telling them instead to raise food to feed the army in the days to come. By November, he had an army of 2,000 men and on November 12, he occupied the medium-sized town of Aguacatillo, near Acapulco. Morelos in 1811-1812 Morelos was crushed to learn of the capture of Hidalgo and Allende in early 1811. Still, he fought on, laying an abortive siege to Acapulco before taking the city of Oaxaca in December of 1812. Meanwhile, politics had entered the struggle for Mexican independence in the form of a Congress presided over by Ignacio Là ³pez Rayà ³n, once a member of Hidalgos inner circle. Morelos was often in the field but always had representatives at the meetings of Congress, where they pushed on his behalf for formal independence, equal rights for all Mexicans, and continued privilege of the Catholic Church in Mexican affairs. The Spanish Strike Back By 1813, the Spanish had finally organized a response to the Mexican insurgents. Felix Calleja, the general who had defeated Hidalgo at the Battle of Calderon Bridge, was made Viceroy, and he pursued an aggressive strategy of quashing the rebellion. He divided and conquered the pockets of resistance in the north before turning his attention to Morelos and the south. Celleja moved into the south in force, capturing towns and executing prisoners. In December of 1813, the insurgents lost a key battle at Valladolid and were put on the defensive. Morelos’ Beliefs Morelos felt a true connection to his people, and they loved him for it. He fought to remove all class and race distinctions. He was one of the first true Mexican nationalists and he had a vision of a unified, free Mexico, whereas many of his contemporaries had closer allegiances to cities or regions. He differed from Hidalgo in many key ways: he did not allow churches or the homes of allies to be looted and actively sought support among Mexico’s wealthy Creole upper class. Ever the priest, he believed it was God’s will that Mexico should be a free, sovereign nation: the revolution became almost a holy war for him. Death By early 1814, the rebels were on the run. Morelos was an inspired guerrilla commander, but the Spanish had him outnumbered and outgunned. The insurgent Mexican Congress was constantly moving, trying to stay one step ahead of the Spanish. In November of 1815, the Congress was on the move again and Morelos was assigned to escort it. The Spanish caught them at Tezmalaca and a battle ensued. Morelos bravely held off the Spanish while the Congress escaped, but he was captured during the fighting. He was sent to Mexico City in chains. There, he was tried, excommunicated, and executed on December 22. Legacy Morelos was the right man at the right time. Hidalgo started the revolution, but his animosity toward the upper classes and his refusal to rein in the rabble that made up his army eventually caused more problems than they solved. Morelos, on the other hand, was a true man of the people, charismatic and devout. He had a more constructive vision than Hidalgo and exuded a palpable belief in a better tomorrow with equality for all Mexicans. Morelos was an interesting mixture of the best characteristics of Hidalgo and Allende and was the perfect man to carry the torch they had dropped. Like Hidalgo, he was very charismatic and emotional, and like Allende, he preferred a small, well-trained army over a massive, angry horde. He notched up several key victories and ensured that the revolution would live on with or without him. After his capture and execution, two of his lieutenants, Vicente Guerrero and Guadalupe Victoria, carried on the fight. Morelos is greatly honored today in Mexico. The state of Morelos and city of Morelia are named after him, as are a major stadium, countless streets and parks, and even a couple of communications satellites. His image has appeared on several bills and coins throughout Mexicos history. His remains are interred at the Column of Independence in Mexico City, along with other national heroes. Sources Estrada Michel, Rafael. Josà © Marà ­a Morelos. Mexico City: Planeta Mexicana, 2004Harvey, Robert. Liberators: Latin Americas Struggle for Independence. Woodstock: The Overlook Press, 2000.Lynch, John. The Spanish American Revolutions 1808-1826. New York: W. W. Norton Company, 1986.

Training skill Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Training skill - Assignment Example On the contrary as much as the leader is perceived as the person who is well informed there is always room to learn (Bowell, Pamela & Brian, 20). The second role of a trainer requires an individual to portray confidence in what is presented to the trainees. The most significant trait is always believing in one self and the individuals in training. It follows through that communication plays a vital role is to ensure there is a clear path followed towards achieving the goals that have been set. Proper instructions lead to proper execution of tasks (Bowell et al, 22). The two roles am prepared to participate in relate to each other in such a way that communication skills is imperative. These roles can apply in a job situation, family and the community in general. Both roles require an individual to possess the ability to give instructions that do not always receive negative critic from those who receive it, by giving them a chance to participate in decision making. Standing firm by the words uttered is imperative to these roles because, they determine whether an individual will have the ability to command a given segment of individuals or not. Furthermore, a situation is controlled by an individual’s ability to master it (Bowell et al,

Changes Brought by Occupiers Liability Act to the Common Law Essay

Changes Brought by Occupiers Liability Act to the Common Law - Essay Example The common law of negligence initially applied in cases relating to those who suffered damages while in one’s premise. However, this was to the extent that the claimant proved that a duty of care was owed to him or her under the common law of negligence. However, the common law of negligence had inconsistencies owing to differences in court rulings under the similar set of facts. It also proved less relaxed in holding the owners of premises liable, often for lack of duty of care, more so to visitors and trespassers. These formed the foundation of a legislative intervention The Occupiers liability Acts being enacted. As of now, the law concerning such liability in the United Kingdoms is mostly found in the Occupiers Liability Act 1957 (regarding visitors) while that regarding the non-visitors is largely found Occupiers Liability Act 1984. In as much as the law to a large extent codified common law, the cases have to be relied upon in determining the meaning of â€Å"occupierâ €  and the line between a â€Å"visitor† and a â€Å"trespasser† or a non visitor. According to the Occupiers Liability Act 1957 the occupier only owes a duty of care to the lawful visitors. This duty is similarly owed to the lawfully visitors either to or to on the premise. It is worth noting that the occupiers rather than the owners of the premise retain the liability to compensate the victims injured on the premises as a result of their dangerous state. Sufficient or effective degree of control is used to determine the occupation of the premise. For that reason, one must not necessarily need to be the actual owner of a premise for him or her to be considered the occupier. He may owe the duty if he exercises a substantial extent of control in which case he owes this duty to all lawful visitors with the only exceptions specified in the agreement. The Occupiers’ Liability Act 1984 does not imposes this duty of care on the occupier towards the visitors of the premises; rather it is towards the non visitors, essentially understood as a trespasser. A trespasser for that matter is anybody who goes into the land in another person’s possession intentionally without obtaining a lawful authorization. Taking an example of a theatre, any member of the public who happens to be admitted there is a visitor and the occupier of the theatre owes them a duty of care. The theatre ticket they are issued with serves a license which bears with it an agreement not to be revoked till the end of the performance. As such this is a sufficient authorization (Hurst v Picture Theatres Ltd (1915) 1 KB 1 CA). The extent of liability was traditionally based on whether or not one was a visitor. The question asked then is, who is a visitor? Generally speaking, at common law it was important to know the difference between licensees, invitees and the premise

National Express rejects takeover bid from First Group (Financial Research Proposal

National Express rejects takeover bid from First Group (Financial Times, 29 June 2009) - Research Proposal Example 1.2 billion pounds to banks (Gill, 2009, p 1). The United Kingdom government has also complicated National Express financial woes by the government refusal to renegotiate the conditions for its East Coast rail franchise with the transport business. The hard-line position adopted by the government is attributed to East Coast rail franchise being the most lucrative in the United Kingdom serving the United Kingdom commercial hubs such as Edinburg and London. Besides, citing the government role in its financial crisis, National Express board also cited its quest to solve the ?1.2 billion debt as its first priority before reconsidering the bailout from FirstGroup limited. In, addition, National Express board viewed FirstGroup as their rival in the transport business and thus postulated a sellout of the company to FirstGroup as surrender to a business enemy. National Express boards were thus eager to retain the legacy of their company’s in the transport industry (Miller, 2011, p 85) . Despite, the rejection of FirstGroup offer, acquisition and acquisition provide the best bailout opportunity and option to rescue National Express from the current financial hardships. This research thus draws on the case sturdy of National Express and FirstGroup to rationalize on the best solution to solve a corporate organization financial solution. This involves an analogy acquisition and acquisition as a financial solution with other financial crisis solution mechanisms recommended in fiance and accounting. The research establishes higher financial crisis solution rationality from acquisition and acquisition formulated financial solution compared to other possible and readily available financial and accounting options. Literature Review An acquisition mimics government bailout to corporations during financial crisis. The similarity between acquisitions and acquisition is evident in the supply of a large amount of money to the corporation under financial crisis, which is subseq uently used to pay its bankruptcy threatening debts. These facts are manifest in the proposed acquisition between National Express and FirstGroup, whereby Nation Express was offered a large sum of money by FirstGroup to pay its 1.2 billion debts. The ?1.2 billion proposed buyout of National Express is comparative to the government’s financial bailout to financial corporation during the 2007-2008 global financial crises (Milmo, 2009, p 1). In United States, the government acquisition styled bailout totaled $13.9 trillion leading the government bailout to be considered as more of an acquisition buyout of the financial stricken institutions than a rescue bailout package (Birdsall & Fukuyama, 2011, p 31). Acquisitions and acquisition of financial stricken corporations is also licked to the nationalization of finically poor performing or financially endangered businesses by the government (Finkelstein & Cooper, 2010, p 116). The same financial crisis incident illustrates the role of nationalization which mimics acquisition and acquisitions in the rescue of financial institutions from bankruptcy during economic downturns. A typical example of this financial rescue strategy is illustrated by the nationalization of the Northern Rock Bank in the United Kingdom at the verge of its bankruptcy during the financial crises. The Northern Rock Bank case also illustrates the irrationality of the hard-line position by a corporation board or the corporate organization stakeholders,

Federalism uneven regional Development

Federalism uneven regional Development The pursuit to bring together both the goals of regional and national development in multinational countries gave rise to federalism. This is used to describe a system of government in which the sovereignty is constitutionally divided between a central governing authority and constituent political units like states or provinces. A federal entity is characterised by harmony, conflict, satisfaction and dissatisfaction. (Pritam) Regional development is the provision of aid and other assistance to regions which are facilitated by the national pattern of development. It is likely to lead to a successful and strengthened federation and at the other end, will cause the federation strain in the neglect of a region or a region being sacrificed for the sake of national development. This according to pritam, is as a result of the necessity to centralise control over the utilisation of resources or because of the necessity to transfer resources from one region to the other. (Schoenfield et al cited in Pritam Federalism and development attracts more scholarly attention where federations fail or are in crisis than when they are successful (pritam page 1). Federations as it is, represents some of the largest national entities in the world which includes countries like india, china, Mexico, Brazil, Canada, Great Britain, France, Italy, United states, Argentina, Germany, Venezuela, Pakistanm, South Africa and Nigeria. Pre-second world war federations like USA, Australia, Canada, and Switzerland have been noted as cases of successful federal entities despite Canada having some crisis in its Quebec region. (PRITAM PAGE 2). Contrary to this, some failed federal entities include Pakistan, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia; Ethiopia has been split into independent nation states (pritam page 2). Other federal entities such as Nigeria and sudan in Africa, india and Sri Lanka in Asia, spain in Europe have felt a high level of tension in theor federal political arrangement(birch 1989, pritam pg 2) Instances of lessening regional inequality and stressing regional inequality have acted as a medium for regions to feel dissatisfied with federal arrangements (pritam pg 2). A situation whereby regional inequalities are accompanied by conflicts of ethnicity and nationalism, the relationship of a region to the federal centre becomes more conflict ridden.(pritam pg2). The most likely cases of regional conflict with the federal centre are likely to be those where the regions because of its relative economic backwardness, feels dissatisfied with prevailing structure of the economic relations with the centre.(pritam pg 2) Uneven regional development is a universal phenomenon with its presence found in almost all large countries, be it a developing or developed country. The problem of regional inequality that results from uneven development is of interest for a variety of reasons. First, the issue of regional disparity is a problem of economic growth. If all regions had grown at the same pace, there would be no income differences between regions in the first place. Even if regional gaps exist, as long as poor regions are able to grow faster than rich ones, the former would converge with the latter and the initial differences would thereby disappear in due course. To find the root causes of regional inequality, we have to trace the long term growth paths of different regions in the national economy and to understand the dynamics of regional growth. Second, regional disparity is an ethical issue. Less the process of economic development is intrinsically even, society is always confronted with the fundamental contradiction between ethically motivated efforts to establish socio economic parity in space and the economically more advantageous strategy of letting inequality increase, as long as it makes the whole economy grow faster. No one denies the importance of attaining a high overall growth rate, but the question being posed is; who benefits from the rapid economic growth? Both economic growth and fairness in the distribution of income are desirable. Unfortunately, the two goals are often in conflict with each other. The maximisation of growth could worsen the problem of inequality, whereas the pursuit of equality may slow down national growth. A development strategy should not concern itself simply with the maximisation of one objective at the expense of the other; it has to consider the trade off between them. On another note, regional disparity is an issue of political significance because regional economic disparities may have adverse effects on the political stability and unity of the nation. The relationship between inequality and political instability is a close one. In countless instances, real and perceived imequities give rise to political conflicts. Inter regional inequality could be a source of political conflict, just as inequalities between groups are. Residents of one region tends to care more about the welfare of other residents than about the welfare of the inhabitanrs of other regions. As a result, there tends to be a widespread sense of grievence among the people living in regions where average incomes are nocticeably lower than in other regions of the country, or the incomes are growing noticeably slower. They may regard an insufficiently sympathetic central government as partly responsible for their plight. Meanwhile, those living in more developed regions are likely to perceive that their economies are the backbone of the nation. If the central government intervenes to corrct regional disparites in such a way that the high income regions have to subsidise the poor one, then these regions are likely to believe that such fiscal transfers to low growth regions ae just a waste of money because in their view, trying to sustain inefficient economic activity is irrational. Thus any attempt to redistribute resources across regions is likely to provoke resistance from rich regions. Thus persistence regional disparities may not only frustrate people living in impoverished regions but also alienate those living in affluent regions. History suggests that when regional disparities becomes excessive, it could lead to massive political consequences especially when ethnic, religious, language differences are combined with ethnic disparities. Examples of such include Biafra in Nigeria, Punjab in India, Wales and Northern Ireland in Great Britain. NIGERIA AS CASE STUDY WITH REFERENCE TO NIGER DELTA REGION Nigeria is the most populous African country with a population of 154 million people who account for 47% of West Africas population and nearly a fifth of sub-Saharan Africas population. Nigeria is Africas largest oil producing country, and it is the eleventh largest producer and the eight largest exporter of crude oil in the world. In 2006, Nigerian oil production averaged approximately 2.45 million barrels of oil per day (World Bank, 2011) Oil has been the dominant factor in Nigerias economy for the past 50 years. In 2007 over 87% of government revenues, 90% of foreign exchange earnings, 96% of export revenues, and almost half of GDP was accounted for by oil (Watts 2008:43). Despite its vast resources however, Nigeria has been a disastrous development experience, and Nigerias performance since independence has been dismal at best. Today, out of a population of 140 million, approximately 70 million people live on less than $1/day, 54% of Nigerians live below the poverty line, over 1/3 live in extreme poverty, 1one in five children die before the age of five, 3 million people are living with HIV/AIDS, and 7 million children are not attending school (Higgins 2009). In an attempt to gain access to the allocation of oil revenues, each ethnic group in Nigeria had to seek its own state or local government council. This is why Nigeria, which originally had only 4 regions and 50 local governments, now has 36 states and 774 loca l governments. According to the United Nations Development Program, Nigeria ranks in terms of the Human Development Index (HDI) a composite measure of life expectancy, income, and educational attainment number 158 out of 177 countries, below Haiti and Congo; over the last 30 years the trend line of the HDI has been upward but barely (UNDP, 2006a). Nigeria also appears close to the top of virtually everyones global ranking of corruption, business risk, lack of transparency, fraud, and illicit activity; Nigerian fraud even has its own FBI website. According to former World Bank President Paul Wolfowitz, at least $100 billion of the $600 billion in oil revenues accrued since 1960 have simply gone missing. Nigerian anti-corruption chairman noted that 70% of the countrys oil wealth was stolen or wasted; by 2005 it was only 40%, and by most conservative estimates, almost 130 billion was lost between 1970 and 1996. After the discovery of oil in Mongolia, a local leader announced: We do not want to become another Nigeria (Watts 2008:43-44). This rise in oil wealth has not translated into significant increases in living standards in Nigeria, however. In fact, the rise in poverty and inequality coincides with the discovery and export of oil in Nigeria. As Sala-i-Martin and Subramanian (2003:4) show, in 1965, when oil revenue was about US$33 per capita, GDP per capita was US$245. In 2000, when oil revenues were US$325 per capita, GDP per capita was stalled at the 1965 level. Evidence such as this has led to widespread acceptance that Nigeria has suffered from the resource curse and according to Sala-i-Martin and Subramanian (2003:24), waste and poor institutional quality stemming from oil has been primarily responsible for Nigerias poor long-run economic performance. The Niger Delta region is the area covered by the natural delta of the Niger River and the areas to the east and west. The Niger Delta consists of 9 of the 36 states in Nigeria, 185 local governments (UNDP, 2006: 44)occupying about 12% of Nigerias territory (Figure 2).These states include Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers state. The Niger Delta is a region that has been somewhat marginalized from Nigerias national development despite being the region that generates Nigerias oil wealth (Higgins 2009:1). The oil boom in Nigeria has been driven by oil extracted from the Niger Delta region. Oil wealth, from the Niger Delta region, is largely responsible for sustaining the Nigerian Federation (UNDP, 2006: 62). Despite fuelling much of Nigerias economic growth, the Niger Delta is somewhat marginalised from Nigerias national development. Higgins writes that, Essentially there is a significant disconnect between the wealth the region generates for the Nigerian Federation and the transnational oil companies extracting oil from the region, and the regions human development progress (Higgins 2009:3). The regions human development index is 0.564 and while this is slightly higher than the Nigerian HDI of 0.448, the area rates far below regions or countries with similar gas or oil reserves (Venezuela is 0.772 and Indonesia is 0.697) (UNDP, 2006: 15). Table 5 shows incidence of poverty in the Niger Delta from 1980-2004, and according to Higgins, Analysis of poverty and human development indicator s paints a dismal picture for the Niger Delta. Poverty incidence increased in the Niger Delta between 1980 and 2004 as Table [5] shows (Higgins 2009:3) As well, when further disaggregated to the local government level, the Niger Delta Human Development Report shows that state and regional HDI scores mask inequalities in human development among oil producing communities. Significantly, local government areas without oil facilities appear to have fewer poor people than those with oil facilities (UNDP, 2006: 15). The report also concludes that decline in the HDI has been steeper for the Niger Delta states than the rest of Nigeria (UNDP, 2006: 137). In addition, the high earnings of some oil industry workers leads to localised price distortions, driving up prices and so constraining the purchasing power of ordinary people and making it difficult for many to meet the costs of basic needs such as housing, healthcare, transportation, education and good and making poverty more pervasive tha n conventional measures reveal (UNDP, 2006: 57). CONSEQUENCES 1. Social and political exclusion: The two post-military national elections (1999 and 2003) are widely agreed to have been extensively rigged in the Niger Delta states, with fraudulent results sustained by violence and threat and so leaving a serious democratic deficit. The political process is held in complete mistrust and considered exclusionary and corrupt. Formal institutions have failed and local customary institutions have become eroded. Youth have turned to violence and militancy to challenge the government and extort oil from oil companies (World Bank, 2007b). 2. Economic exclusion: Despite substantial resource flows to the State government, and significant natural resource endowments the people of the Niger Delta are destitute. The panel described the Niger Delta as an iconic representation of destitution amongst the possibility of wealth. The people of the Niger Delta feel excluded from the wealth generated by their resource rich region substantiated by the region having the highest rate of unemployment in Nigeria (World Bank, 2007b). Remote rural communities have very limited economic opportunities and often cannot tap directly into the employment. benefits of the oil industry because they lack capital resources or skills (UNDP, 2006:17). 3. Poor governance and corruption: Corruption, especially at the state and local level, is endemic and at the root of many of the regions problems. Large sums are received at both the state and local level, but there is little evidence of this being applied to productive development endeavours. This situation exacerbates the sense of hopelessness, exclusion and anger of the citizenry of the Niger Delta, who have lost faith in existing governance structures (World Bank, 2007b). 4. Poor infrastructure and public service delivery: The panel (World Bank, 2007b) describes the current situation as akin to a human emergency and UNDP describes infrastructure and social services as generally deplorable (UNDP, 2006: 15). The general neglect of infrastructure, often rationalised by the difficult terrain of the region, has worsened the populations access to fundamental services (UNDP, 2006: 16). For example, the town of Edeoha, in the state of Rivers, lacks basic services such as water, education, healthcare and electricity and jobs are hard to come by. There is no local government office in the town, the primary schools lacks chairs and desks, and the nearest hospital, which lacks medicine and equipment, is twenty kilometres away (International Crisis Group, 2006: 17). Analysis above highlights the poor human development of the region. 5. Environmental degradation: Oil exploration and production gas led to environmental damage on many levels: land, water and air pollution, depleted fishing grounds and the disappearance of wetlands (World Bank, 2007b). These environmental changes have had significant implications for local livelihoods, and the alienation of people from their resources and land has led to the inefficient use of resources that remain and poor or inequitable land use practices (UNDP, 2006: 17). Measures to counterbalance environmental damage are inadequate and this is a major focus of community disconten (World Bank, 2007b). 6. Escalating violence and disorder: The democratisation of the means of violence has emerged, as the state has lost monopoly power over the use of force. This violence has emerged in many forms, and exists between communities over host community status, resource and land claims and surveillance contracts; within communities over compensation distribution; between communities and oil companies; and between communities and security forces. The fault lines of these conflicts often coincide with, or are justified in terms of, ethnic differences (World Bank, 2007b). Persistent conflict, while in part a response to the regions poor human development, also serves to entrench it as it is a constant drag on the regions economic performance and opportunities for advancement (UNDP, 2006: 16). 7. A vicious cycle of violence: Conflict has become militarised, with the intensive proliferation of arms, sabotage, hostage taking and the emergence of warlords and youth cults. This process is fuelled by the illegal bunkering of oil fuels (World Bank, 2007b). Since January 2006, the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) have been central to this violence (International Crisis Group, 2006:i). 8. Landownership: There is much juridical ambiguity over land rights. While the Land Use Decree of 1978 formally vested all land in State governments, the expropriation of this has never been accepted by the individuals, families and communities that have made customary claims to the land. This has resulted in a double system, and combined with weak judicial systems has resulted in long running conflicts and ambiguity at many levels (World Bank, 2007b). GOVERNMENT POLICY TO REVERT THE SITUATION The marginalisation and poor human development progress of the Niger Delta has not gone unnoticed by successive Nigerian federal governments. Since the late 1950s, the Niger Delta has been recognised as a region requiring special development attention (Osuoka, 2007: 5). A number of special agencies have been created by the federal government to address development in the Niger Delta. These have included the Niger Delta Basin Development Board, established in 1965 and the Oil Minerals Producing Areas Development Commission, established in 1992 (Osuoka, 2007: 5). it established a new body called the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) to offer a lasting solution to the socio-economic difficulties of the Niger Delta Region (UNDP, 2006: 31). In 2006, the NDDC launched the Niger Delta Regional Development Master Plan, which states the development goals and objectives of the Niger Delta. For the foundation phases (2006-2010), the key programmes are the economy, physical infrastructur e, human and institutional resources, human and community needs and natural environment. Focusing on some key elements, these will seek to create an enabling environment for enterprise; improve the functioning of key markets and access to them; increase agricultural (and fisheries) productivity and micro-investment; protect and develop human capabilities; protect natural resources and mitigate harm. (For a summary of the NDDC Master Plan Programs and Areas of Focus, see Annex 1). The NDDC clearly aims to have a redistributory function, with nearly a quarter of the funding coming from the Federal Government 1, with additional contributions expected from oil companies operating in the Niger Delta, the Ecological Fund and States of the delta. Unfortunately, States have yet to contribute to the Commission, and oil companies are still wrangling over how much they should contribute (UNDP, 2006: 31-32). But assessment of development in the Niger Delta since the NDDC was established shows that poverty reduction progress has been slow, particularly given the Niger Deltas substantial natural resource endowments and additional federal government resources. And, as mentioned above, according to UNDP, the worsening of the HDI has been more acute for the Niger Delta states than for the rest of Nigeria (UNDP, 2006: 137). However, we do not really know how effective the NDDC is. We also do not know much about which programme components are more or less effective at achieving the programmes overarching goals. This is a really important data gap, as given the programmes multisectoral nature clearly attributable information about causality would go a long way to telling us which approaches might be best at reducing spatial disparities and regional inequalities. If we look at a range of indicators, we can see how significant the challenge still is. Disaggregated human development indicators pa int a dismal picture. The prevalence rate of HIV/AIDS is among the highest in Nigeria (UNDP, 2006: 17). Energy availability is poor, despite the region providing the United States with one fifth of its energy needs (UNDP, 2006: 25). For example, in Bayelsa State is not linked to the national electric power grid (UNDP, 2006: 110). Similarly, while the delta region has a dense network of freshwater distributaries and vast groundwater reserves, no part of the region has a regular supply of potable water (UNDP, 2006: 110). Some health indicators are below the national average. As Table 3 indicates, the Niger Delta region (South-South) has a higher than average infant mortality rate and the highest post-neonatal mortality rate in Nigeria (UNDP, 2006: 125). The region also fares comparatively poorly in terms of accessing health treatment. For example, only 25.1% of children with acute respiratory infections and fever sought medical treatment from health providers, compared with 49.5% in t he North Central region and 52.6% in the South West region (UNDP, 2006: 123). The South-South zone also had the largest proportion of births attended by traditional attendants (UNDP, 2006:123). Interestingly, in a 2003 NDHS survey, the Niger Delta had the largest proportion (34.8%) of respondents identifying the distance between their residence and health facilities as a major problem. In this same survey, nationally, 30.4% of women cited a lack of money as a barrier to accessing health care. In the Niger Delta, this was 47.1% and the highest regional figure (UNDP, 2006: 125). Additionally, there is an intense feeling among the people of the Niger Delta that they should be doing far better: the Niger Delta has a self-assessment poverty rate of 74.8% (UNDP, 2006: 58) Policy Recommendations The policy recommendations address the issue of regional inequalities and overall national developmentandmodemisation in Nigeria. As we saw during the review, regional imbalance has been perpetuated in the country over time. The result has been the prevailing unwarranted uneven distribution of resources and benefits of development Warranted unevenness is inevitable during the incipient growth and development of any country because of inadequate administrative machinery, lack of clear direction of redistribution mechanisms, non-diversification of the economy and technology and limited employment opportunities for the majority of people. During the early stage of development income development surpluses and even hierarchy of cities are not adequately distributed. However in a country such as Nigeria where development aided by the petro-dollar has proceeded for quite a long time, the perpetual existence of unwarranted inequalities among individuals and regions is unpardonable. Individual and regional equity based on consensual socio-political policies, especially in the form of Acts, is still possible. Attractive socio-political, economic and administrative consensus policy options that are likely to be acceptable to every region and individual will be those which 74 EbenezerAka promote a change that is desirable in its own right: for example, a multicultural po.licy on ethnocentrism, capacity-building, and sustainable self-reliant peoplecentered development. Ethnocentrism has been a major driving force which has fueled and perpetuated regional imbalance in the country over time. For the problems of ethnicity to be ameliorated in the country, a concerted effort by the local, regional and federal governments is needed urgently. The effort will ensure that all references that vilify individuals or incite unwarranted division and unnecessary competition are removed by law from the mass media and other instruments of propaganda (Nnoli, 1978). According to Nnoli the concept of the existing North/South and East! West that mark the social, cultural, historical and ethno-linguistic divisions and affinities for socio-economic development planning should be applied with caution. At times in Nigeria this creates the notion of us versus them. A new set of references is needed which explains the countrys present socioeconomic predicaments. For example the concept of developed and backward or depressed regions stemming from the differences in regional distribution of natural and mineral resources including income, employment and welfare, should replace the North/South and East/West distinction or dichotomy. Moreover, in order to realise a long -term solution, strategies to accommodate the major ethnic groups in the development process should be pursued. For example, the languages and histories of major ethnic groups should be taught in schools for the understanding and appreciation of each other; information for important social services (public or central services) should beprovided in major languages, and the political system and its policy and decision-making apparatus should be representative of multiethnic groups in the country, in order to allay the fears of the minorities. Socioeconomic planning administration, and management based on the new concepts are likely to enhance socio-economic and political equity if constantly pursued over a long period of time. A cogent remedy to regional inequality also lies in the creation of a nationally integrated economy rather than on the creation of mushroom states based on ethnolinguistic sentiments for sharing the national wealth. The suggestion here is a gradual shift of emphasis from the existing centre-down, urban-biased, productioncentred organisation to a sustainable, self-reliant, people-centred developmenL What is actually advocated is a bi-modal or dualistic strategy of development where both paradigms are operative. According to Korten (1984:309) ifpeoplecentred development is to emerge it will bean offspring of the production-centred industrial era. The new paradigm should focus on ruraVregional development based on the community or basic needs approach. The federal government should use its authority to improve the relative and absolute shares of the poor regions or states because the free market mechanism Regional Inequalities in the Process of Nigerias Development 75 does not operate in Nigeria to guarantee the redistribution of the benefits of socioeconomic development. TIle Nigerian market is imperfect, corrupt and not well developed. Distributive measures should be initiated by the government to include: industrial decentralisation by giving priority to lagging regions; job-training programmes as a targeted policy for the poor, the underprivileged and the minorities; and direct income transfers. The aim is to improve on the economic base of those regions, as well as their employment potential and income which will eventually make the local economy richer. The aim of the people-centred or grass-roots approach to rural and regional development is to create a society that is secure and sustainable. Growth which has occurred so far becauseofa production-centredapproach, has not been accompanied by equivalent increase in employment, thereby resulting in individual and regional poverty as well as socioeconomic inequalities. To create jobs and ensure that all share in the benefits of economic growth, government should make markets more people-friendly by: investing more in basic education and worker retraining; ensuring universal access to markets; redesigning credit systems and fISCal incentives to support small-scale 6nterprises and informal employment; and using tax breaks to encourage labour-intensive technology and production in ruraltowns, agro-towns, or small- and intermediate-sized cities (Collins, 1993:4). The new concept focuses on human security based on environmental sustainability, employment, and provision of basic needs. Perhaps, this is what Strong (1993:5) calls, in both environmental and economic terms, eco-industrial revolution. Strong goes on to say that for the government to effect economic sustainability, it will require a fundamental reorientation of policies and budgets, redeployment of resources, and reshaping of the system of incentives and penalties that motivate economic behaviour. In order for the resources to be adequately managed and for long-term economic sustainability to be entrencbed in Nigeria, the federal government should embark on capacity-building. This will enhance the existing management capacity of Nigerian public institutions and private economic agents, and also help provide the much needed top-level managers and policy-makers. Capacity-building willachieve littleinNigeriawithoutpolitical development. TheNigeriangovemment mustdevelopaform of governance thatpermits free expression and full participation in the development process. Participation empowers the local people to take charge of their lives by increasing their potency ,as theiraltemative ideas, social techniques and technologies are released. Political development is likely to create societywide trust and predictability, and foster a stable political order that is the sine qua non for a long economic growth. Without creating more states in Nigeria, which often depends on ethnocentric sentiments, a decentralised administrative structure can be achieved which is capable of providing stability, creativity, and civic 76 EbenezerAka commitment of every Nigerian, and more importantly, capable of reducing regional inequalities. Regional inequalities can bealleviate in terms of administrative decentralisation. The recently created local government areas throughout the country could be strengthened and employed as a seeding agent for local and regional growth, development, and modernisation. There exist today 449 local government areas with their headquarterS or capitals. These capitals Egunjobi (1990:22) calls third-order centres(6). Administrative decentralisation plays an important function in the redistribution process during a deliberate national development effort, especially by strategically locating the headquarters or capitals for the newly created administrative areas. The local government area capitals should be targeted as development and modernisation diffusion agents, and also as the agro-political units for the provision of basic needs using local materials, manpower, and small-scale enterprises. That is, these capitals can be deliberately employed to act as innovation nodes or poles by which growth and modernisation impulses could diffuse or trickle-down to their tributary areas. Inother words, they should provide development stimuli and act as a change agent to their hinterlands or catchment areas. As a process of national urbanisation, socioeconomic and modemisation strategy, administrativedecentralisation sho

Understanding Alzheimers Disease :: Alzheimers Disease Essays

Understanding Alzheimer's Disease Alzheimer's Disease is a progressive and irreversible brain disease that destroys mental and physical functioning in human beings, and invariably leads to death. It is the fourth leading cause of adult death in the United States. Alzheimer's creates emotional and financial catastrophe for many American families every year. Fortunately, a large amount of progress is being made to combat Alzheimer's disease every year. To fully be able to comprehend and combat Alzheimer's disease, one must know what it does to the brain, the part of the human body it most greatly affects. Many Alzheimer's disease sufferers had their brains examined. A large number of differences were present when comparing the normal brain to the Alzheimer's brain. There was a loss of nerve cells from the Cerebral Cortex in the Alzheimer's victim. Approxiately ten percent of the neurons in this region were lost. But a ten percent loss is relatively minor, and cannot account for the severe impairment suffered by Alzheimer's victims. Neurofibrillary Tangles are also found in the brains of Alzheimer's victims. They are found within the cell bodies of nerve cells in the cerebral cortex, and take on the structure of a paired helix. Other diseases that have "paired helixes" include Parkinson's disease, Down's Syndrome, and Dementia Pugilistica. Scientists are not sure how the paired helixes are related in these very different diseases. Neuritic Plaques are patches of clumped material lying outside the bodies of nerve cells in the brain. They are mainly found in the cerebral cortex, but have also been seen in other areas of the brain. At the core of each of these plaques is a substance called amyloid, an abnormal protein not usually found in the brain. This amyloid core is surrounded by cast off fragments of dead or dying nerve cells. The cell fragments include dying mitochondria, presynaptic terminals, and paired helical filaments identical to those that are neurofibrillary tangles. Many neuropathologists think that these plaques are basically clusters of degenerating nerve cells. But they are still not sure of how and why these fragments clustered together. Congophilic Angiopathy is the technical name that neuropathologists have given to an abnormality found in the walls of blood vessels in the brains of victims of Alzheimer's disease. These abnormal patches are similar to the neuritic plaques that develop in Alzheimer's disease, in that amyloid has been found within the blood-vessel walls wherever the patches occur. Another name for these patches is cerebrovascular amyloid,